I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.
The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn. Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.
The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake.
And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more. Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment - a moment that will define a generation - it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends - hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism - these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility - a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence - the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
“Let it be told to the future world…that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive…that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].”
America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
ブラウン首相は、「われわれのとる(雇用対策の)いかなる行動にもコストがかかることをわれわれは、承知している。しかし、最大のコストは、何もしないことによるコストであろう。」(’We know that any action we take has costs. But the biggest cost of all would be the cost of doing nothing.)とし、さらに、「われわれは、常には、国民が失業することを防ぎえないが、しかし、われわれは、それらの人々が次なる職を得られるよう、助けることはできる。」(”We cannot always prevent people losing the last job but we can help people get the next job.”)との演説をする予定であるという。
1.子供がいなくて、Phase Out Range対象者でない場合
1のみ適用
2.子供がいなくて、Phase Out Range対象者の場合
1と3が適用
3.子供がいなくて、Phase Out Range対象者でない場合
1と2が適用
4.子供がいて、Phase Out Range対象者の場合
1と2と3が適用
このサイト「The Credit Rating Agencies’ Moment of Shame」(恥ずべき時を迎えた格付け会社)では、その辺のトリプルA格付けなどを生み出す格付け会社のいい加減さについて、彼らにとっては、格付けはCash-Cow(金の成る木)であったとし、リスキーな金融商品を投資家を安心させる金融商品に換えるためのゲートキーパーの役割を、これら格付け会社は果たしてきたとしている。
そして、トリプルA格付けは、ティッシュ・ペーパーのごとく(like a kleenex)、使い捨てされたという。
日本は侵略国家であったのか(-English translation of “Was Japan an Aggressor Nation?”-)
田母神俊雄(by Tamogami Toshio)
ア メ リ カ 合 衆 国 軍 隊 は 日 米 安 全 保 障条約により日本国内に駐留している。
これをアメリカによる日本侵略とは言わない。
二国間で合意された条約に基づいているからである。
Under the terms of the US-Japan Security Treaty, American troops are stationed within Japan. Nobody calls this an American invasion of Japan. That is because it is based on a treaty agreed upon between two nations.
我が国は戦前中国大陸や朝鮮半島を侵略したと言われるが、実は日本軍のこれらの国に対する駐留も条約に基づいたものであることは意外に知られていない。
日本は19世紀の後半以降、朝鮮半島や中国大陸に軍を進めることになるが相手国の了承を得ないで一方的に軍を進めたことはない。
現在の中国政府から「日本の侵略」を執拗に追求されるが、我が国は日清戦争、日露戦争などによって国際法上合法的に中国大陸に権益を得て、これを守るために条約等に基づいて軍を配置したのである。
これに対し、圧力をかけて条約を無理矢理締結させたのだから条約そのものが無効だという人もいるが、昔も今も多少の圧力を伴わない条約など存在したことがない。
Our country is said to have invaded the Chinese mainland and the Korean peninsula in the prewar period, but surprisingly few people are aware that the Japanese army was also stationed in these countries on the basis of treaties. The advance of the Japanese army onto the Korean peninsula and Chinese mainland from the latter half of the 19th century on was not a unilateral advance without the understanding of those nations. The current Chinese government obstinately insists that there was a “Japanese invasion,” but Japan obtained its interests in the Chinese mainland legally under international law through the Sino-Japanese War, the Russo-Japanese War, and so on, and it placed its troops there based on treaties in order to protect those interests.
There are those who say that Japan applied pressure and forced the Chinese to sign the treaty, thus invalidating it, but back then – and even now – there were no treaties signed without some amount of pressure.
こ の 日 本 軍 に 対 し 蒋 介 石 国 民 党 は 頻 繁 に テロ行為を繰り返す。邦人に対する大規模な暴行、惨殺事件も繰り返し発生する。
これは現在日本に存在する米軍の横田基地や横須賀基地などに自衛隊が攻撃を仕掛け、米国軍人及びその家族などを暴行、惨殺するようものであり、とても許容できるものではない。
これに対し日本政府は辛抱強く和平を追求するが、その都度蒋介石に裏切られるのである。
The Japanese army was subjected to frequent acts of terrorism by Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang (KMT). Large-scale attacks on and murders of Japanese citizens occurred many times. This would be like the Japanese Self-Defense Forces attacking the US troops stationed at the Yokota or Yokosuka military bases, committing acts of violence and murder against the American soldiers and their families – it would be unforgivable. Despite that, the Japanese government patiently tried to bring about peace, but at every turn they were betrayed by Chiang Kai-shek.
実は蒋介石はコミンテルンに動かされていた。
1936 年の第2 次国共合作によりコミンテルンの手先である毛沢東共産党のゲリラが国民党内に多数入り込んでいた。
コミンテルンの目的は日本軍と国民党を戦わせ、両者を疲弊させ、最終的に毛沢東共産党に中国大陸を支配させることであった。
我が国は国民党の度重なる挑発に遂に我慢しきれなくなって1937 年8 月15 日、日本の近衛文麿内閣は「支那軍の暴戻ぼうれいを膺懲ようちょうし以って南京政府の反省を促す為、今や断乎たる措置をとる」と言う声明を発表した。
我が国は蒋介石により日中戦争に引きずり込まれた被害者なのである。
In fact, Chiang Kai-shek was being manipulated by Comintern. As a result of the Second United Front of 1936, large numbers of guerillas from the Communist Party of Comintern puppet Mao Zedong infiltrated the KMT. The objective of Comintern was to pit the Japanese army and the KMT against each other to exhaust them both and, in the end, to have Mao Zedong’s Communist Party control mainland China. Finally, our country could no longer put up with the repeated provocations of the KMT, and on August 15, 1937, the Konoe Fumimaro Cabinet declared that “now we must take determined measures to punish the violent and unreasonable actions of the Chinese army and encourage the Nanking Government to reconsider.” Our country was a victim, drawn into the Sino-Japanese War by Chiang Kai-shek.
1928 年の張作霖列車爆破事件も関東軍の仕業であると長い間言われてきたが、近年ではソ連情報機関の資料が発掘され、少なくとも日本軍がやったとは断定できなくなった。
「マオ（ 誰も知らなかった毛沢東）（ ユン・チアン、講談社）」、「黄文雄の大東亜戦争肯定論（ 黄文雄、ワック出版）」及び「日本よ、「歴史力」を磨け（ 櫻井よしこ編、文藝春秋）」などによると、最近ではコミンテルンの仕業という説が極めて有力になってきている。
The bombing of Zhang Zuolin’s train in 1928 was for a long time said to have been the work of the Kwantung Army, but in recent years, Soviet intelligence documents have been discovered that at the very least cast doubt on the Kwantung Army’s role. According to such books as Mao: The Mao Zedong Nobody Knew by Jung Chang (Kodansha) 「マオ（誰も知らなかった毛沢東）（ユン・チアン、講談社）」, Ko Bunyu Looks Positively at the Greater East Asian War by Ko Bunyu (WAC Co.) 「黄文雄の大東亜戦争肯定論（黄文雄、ワック出版）」, and Refine Your Historical Power, Japan edited by Sakurai Yoshiko (Bungei Shunju) 「日本よ、 「歴史力」を磨け（櫻井よしこ編、文藝春秋）」, the theory that it was actually the work of Comintern has gained a great deal of prominence recently
日中戦争の開始直前の1937 年7 月7 日の廬溝橋事件についても、これまで日本の中国侵略の証みたいに言われてきた。
しかし今では、東京裁判の最中に中国共産党の劉少奇が西側の記者との記者会見で「廬溝橋の仕掛け人は中国共産党で、現地指揮官はこの俺だった」と証言していたことがわかっている「大東亜解放戦争（ 岩間弘、岩間書店）」。
Similarly, the Marco Polo Bridge Incident on July 7, 1937, immediately prior to the start of the Sino-Japanese War, had been considered as a kind of proof of Japan’s invasion of China. However, we now know that during the Tokyo War Trials, Liu Shaoqi of the Chinese Communist Party told Western reporters at a press conference, “The instigator of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident was the Chinese Communist Party, and the officer in charge was me.”
もし日本が侵略国家であったというのならば、当時の列強といわれる国で侵略国家でなかった国はどこかと問いたい。
よその国がやったから日本もやっていいということにはならないが、日本だけが侵略国家だといわれる筋合いもない。
If you say that Japan was the aggressor nation, then I would like to ask what country among the great powers of that time was not an aggressor. That is not to say that because other countries were doing so it was all right for Japan to do so well, but rather that there is no reason to single out Japan as an aggressor nation.
我 が 国 は 満 州 も 朝 鮮 半 島 も 台 湾 も 日本本土と同じように開発しようとした。
当時列強といわれる国の中で植民地の内地化を図ろうとした国は日本のみである。
我が国は他国との比較で言えば極めて穏健な植民地統治をしたのである。
満州帝國は、成立当初の1932 年1 月には3 千万人の人口であったが、毎年100 万人以上も人口が増え続け、1945 年の終戦時には5 千万人に増加していたのである。
Japan tried to develop Manchuria, the Korean Peninsula, and Taiwan in the same way it was developing the Japanese mainland. Among the major powers at that time, Japan was the only nation that tried to incorporate its colonies within the nation itself. In comparison to other countries, Japan’s colonial rule was very moderate. When Imperial Manchuria was established in January 1932, the population was thirty million. That population increased each year by more than 1 million people, reaching fifty million by the end of the war in 1945.
満州の人口は何故爆発的に増えたのか。
それは満州が豊かで治安が良かったからである。
侵略といわれるような行為が行われるところに人が集まるわけがない。
農業以外にほとんど産業がなかった満州の荒野は、わずか15年の間に日本政府によって活力ある工業国家に生まれ変わった。
朝鮮半島も日本統治下の35 年間で１ 千3 百万人の人口が２ 千5 百万人と約2 倍に増えている「朝鮮総督府統計年鑑」。
日本統治下の朝鮮も豊かで治安が良かった証拠である。
戦後の日本においては、満州や朝鮮半島の平和な暮らしが、日本軍によって破壊されたかのように言われている。
しかし実際には日本政府と日本軍の努力によって、現地の人々はそれまでの圧政から解放され、また生活水準も格段に向上したのである。
Why was there such a population explosion in Manchuria? It was because Manchuria was a prosperous and safe region. People would not be flocking to a place that was being invaded. The plains of Manchuria, where there was almost no industry other than agriculture, was reborn as a vital industrial nation in just fifteen years thanks to the Japanese government. On the Korean Peninsula as well, during the thirty-five years of Japanese rule the population roughly doubled from thirteen million to twenty-five million people. That is proof that Korea under Japanese rule was also prosperous and safe. In postwar Japan, people say that the Japanese army destroyed the peaceful existence in Manchuria and on the Korean Peninsula. But in fact, through the efforts of the Japanese government and Japanese army, the people in these areas were released from the oppression they had been subjected to up until then, and their standard of living markedly improved.
我 が 国 は 満 州 や 朝 鮮 半 島 や 台 湾 に 学校を多く造り現地人の教育に力を入れた。
道路、発電所、水道など生活のインフラも数多く残している。
また1924 年には朝鮮に京城帝国大学、1928 年には台湾に台北帝国大学を設立した。
Our country built many schools in Manchuria, the Korean Peninsula, and Taiwan, and emphasized education for the native people. We left behind significant improvements to the infrastructure that affects everyday life – roads, power plants, water supply, etc. And we stablished Keijo Imperial University in Korea in 1924 as well as the Taipei Imperial University in 1928 in Taiwan.
日本政府は明治維新以降９ つの帝国大学を設立したが、京城帝国大学は６ 番目、台北帝国大学は７ 番目に造られた。
その後８ 番目が1931 年の大阪帝国大学、９ 番目が1939 年の名古屋帝国大学という順である。
なんと日本政府は大阪や名古屋よりも先に朝鮮や台湾に帝国大学を造っているのだ。
Following the Meiji Restoration, the Japanese government established nine imperial universities. Keijo Imperial University was the sixth and Taipei Imperial University was the seventh to be built. The subsequent order was that Osaka Imperial University was eighth (1931) and Nagoya Imperial University was ninth (1939). The Japanese government actually built imperial universities in Korea and Taiwan even before Osaka and Nagoya.
また日本政府は朝鮮人も中国人も陸軍士官学校への入校を認めた。
戦後マニラの軍事裁判で死刑になった朝鮮出身の洪思翊ホンサイクという陸軍中将がいる。
この人は陸軍士官学校２ ６ 期生で、硫黄島で勇名をはせた栗林忠道中将と同期生である。
The Japanese government also permitted the enrollment of Chinese and Japanese citizens into the Imperial Japanese Army Academy. At the Manila military tribunal following the war, there was a lieutenant general in the Japanese army named Hong Sa-ik, a native Korean who was sentenced to death. Hong graduated in the 26th class at the Army Academy, where he was a classmate of Lt. General Kuribayashi Tadamichi, who gained fame at Iwo Jima.
朝鮮名のままで帝国陸軍の中将に栄進した人である。またその１ 期後輩には金キン錫源ソグォン大佐がいる。
日中戦争の時、中国で大隊長であった。日本兵約１ 千名を率いて何百年も虐められ続けた元宗主国の中国軍を蹴散らした。
その軍功著しいことにより天皇陛下の金賜勲章を頂いている。
もちろん創氏改名などしていない。
中国では蒋介石も日本の陸軍士官学校を卒業し新潟の高田の連隊で隊付き教育を受けている。
Hong was a person who rose to lieutenant general in the Imperial Japanese Army while retaining his Korean name. One class behind him at the academy was Col. Kim Suk-won, who served as a major in China at the time of the Sino-Japanese War. Leading a force of roughly 1,000 Japanese troops, he trampled the army from China, the former suzerain state that had been bullying Korea for hundreds of years. He was decorated by the emperor for his meritorious war service. Of course, he did not change his name. In China, Chiang Kai-shek also graduated from the Imperial Japanese Army Academy and received training while attached to a regiment in Takada, in Niigata.
１ 期後輩で蒋介石の参謀で何応欽カオウキンもいる。
李王朝の最後の殿下である李垠イウン殿下も陸軍士官学校の２ ９ 期の卒業生である。
李垠イウン殿下は日本に対する人質のような形で１ ０ 歳の時に日本に来られることになった。
しかし日本政府は殿下を王族として丁重に遇し、殿下は学習院で学んだあと陸軍士官学校をご卒業になった。
陸軍では陸軍中将に栄進されご活躍された。
この李垠イウン殿下のお妃となられたのが日本の梨本宮方子まさこ妃殿下である。
この方は昭和天皇のお妃候補であった高貴なお方である。
もし日本政府が李王朝を潰すつもりならこのような高貴な方を李垠イウン殿下のもとに嫁がせることはなかったであろう。
One year below Kim Suk-won at the academy was the man who would be Chiang’s staff officer, He Yingqin. The last crown prince of the Yi dynasty, Crown Prince Yi Eun also attended the Army Academy, graduating in the 29th class. Crown Prince Yi Eun was brought to Japan as a sort of hostage at the age of ten. However, the Japanese government treated him respectfully as a member of the royal family, and after receiving his education at Gakushuin, he graduated from
the Imperial Japanese Army Academy. In the army, he was promoted and served as a lieutenant general. Crown Prince Yi Eun was married to Japan’s Princess Nashimotonomiya Masako. She was a woman of nobility who previously had been considered as a potential bride for the Showa Emperor. If the Japanese government had intended to smash the Yi dynasty, they surely would not have permitted the marriage of a woman of this stature to Crown Prince Yi Eun.
因みに宮内省はお二人のために1930 年に新居を建設した。
現在の赤坂プリンスホテル別館である。
また清朝最後の皇帝また満州帝国皇帝であった溥儀フギ殿下の弟君である溥フ傑ケツ殿下のもとに嫁がれたのは、日本の華族嵯峨家の嵯峨浩妃殿下である。
Incidentally, in 1930, the Imperial Household Agency built a new residence for the couple. It is now the Akasaka Prince Hotel Annex. Also, Prince Pujie, the younger brother of Puyi – the last emperor of the Qing Dynasty, who was also the emperor of Manchuria – was married to Lady Saga Hiro of the noble Saga house.
こ れ を 当 時 の 列 強 と い わ れ る 国 々との比較で考えてみると日本の満州や朝鮮や台湾に対する思い入れは、列強の植民地統治とは全く違っていることに気がつくであろう。
イギリスがインドを占領したがインド人のために教育を与えることはなかった。
インド人をイギリスの士官学校に入れることもなかった。
もちろんイギリスの王室からインドに嫁がせることなど考えられない。
これはオランダ、フランス、アメリカなどの国々でも同じことである。
When you compare this with the countries that were considered to be major powers at the time, you realize that Japan’s posture toward Manchuria, Korea, and Taiwan was completely different from the colonial rule of the major powers. England occupied India, but it did not provide education for the Indian people. Indians were not permitted to attend the British military academy. Of course, they would never have considered a marriage between a member of the British royal family and an Indian. This holds true for Holland, France, America, and other
countries as well.
一方日本は第２ 次大戦前から５族協和を唱え、大和、朝鮮、漢、満州、蒙古の各民族が入り交じって仲良く暮らすことを夢に描いていた。
人種差別が当然と考えられていた当時にあって画期的なことである。
第１ 次大戦後のパリ講和会議において、日本が人種差別撤廃を条約に書き込むことを主張した際、イギリスやアメリカから一笑に付されたのである。
現在の世界を見れば当時日本が主張していたとおりの世界になっている。
By contrast, from before the start of World War II, Japan had been calling for harmony between the five tribes, laying out a vision for the tribes – the Yamato (Japanese), Koreans, Chinese, Manchurians, and Mongols – to intermix and live peacefully together. At a time when racial discrimination was considered natural, this was a groundbreaking proposal. At the Paris Peace Conference at the end of World War I, when Japan urged that the abolition of racial discrimination be included in the treaty, England and America laughed it off. But if you look at the world today, it has become the kind of world that Japan was urging at the time.
時 間 は 遡 る が 、 清 国 は 1900 年の義和団事件の事後処理を迫られ1901 年に我が国を含む11 カ国との間で義和団最終議定書を締結した。
その結果として我が国は清国に駐兵権を獲得し当初２ 600 名の兵を置いた「廬溝橋事件の研究(秦郁彦、東京大学出版会) 」。
また1915 年には袁世凱政府との4 ヶ月にわたる交渉の末、中国の言い分も入れて、いわゆる対華21 箇条の要求について合意した。
これを日本の中国侵略の始まりとか言う人がいるが、この要求が、列強の植民地支配が一般的な当時の国際常識に照らして、それほどおかしなものとは思わない。
中国も一度は完全に承諾し批准した。
Going back in time to 1901, in the aftermath of the Boxer Rebellion, the Qing Empire signed the Boxer Protocol in 1901 with eleven countries including Japan. As a result, our country gained the right to station troops in Qing China, and began by dispatching 2,600 troops there. Also, in 1915, following four months of negotiations with the government of Yuan Shikai, and incorporating China’s points as well, agreement was reached on Japan’s so-called 21 Demands toward China. Some people say that this was the start of Japan’s invasion of China, but if you compare these demands to the general international norms of colonial administration by the great powers at the time, there was nothing terribly unusual about it. China too accepted the demands at one point and ratified them.
しかし4 年後の1919 年、パリ講和会議に列席を許された中国が、アメリカの後押しで対華21箇条の要求に対する不満を述べることになる。
それでもイギリスやフランスなどは日本の言い分を支持してくれたのである「日本史から見た日本人・昭和編（ 渡部昇一、祥伝社）」。
また我が国は蒋介石国民党との間でも合意を得ずして軍を進めたことはない。
常に中国側の承認の下に軍を進めている。
However, four years later, in 1919, when China was allowed to attend the Paris Peace Conference, it began complaining about the 21 Demands with America’s backing. Even then, England and France supported Japan’s position. Moreover, Japan never advanced its army without the agreement of Chiang Kai-shek’s KMT.
1901 年から置かれることになった北京の日本軍は、36 年後の廬溝橋事件の時でさえ5600 名にしかなっていない「廬溝橋事件の研究(秦郁彦、東京大学出版会) 」。
このとき北京周辺には数十万の国民党軍が展開しており、形の上でも侵略にはほど遠い。
幣原喜重郎外務大臣に象徴される対中融和外交こそが我が国の基本方針であり、それは今も昔も変わらない。
The Japanese army in Beijing, which was stationed there from 1901, still comprised just 5,600 troops at the time of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident thirty-six years later. At that time, tens of thousands of KMT troops were spread out in the area surrounding Beijing, and even in terms of appearances it was a far cry from being an invasion. As symbolized by Foreign Minister Shidehara Kijuro, our country’s basic policy at the time was one of reconciliation with China, and that has not changed even today.
さ て 日 本 が 中 国 大 陸 や 朝 鮮 半 島 を 侵 略 し たために、遂に日米戦争に突入し3 百万人もの犠牲者を出して敗戦を迎えることになった、日本は取り返しの付かない過ちを犯したという人がいる。
しかしこれも今では、日本を戦争に引きずり込むために、アメリカによって慎重に仕掛けられた罠であったことが判明している。
There are some who say that it was because Japan invaded the Chinese mainland and the Korean Peninsula that it ended up entering the war with the United States, where it lost three million people and met with defeat; it committed an irrevocable error. However, it has also been confirmed now that Japan was ensnared in a trap that was very carefully laid by the United States in order to draw Japan into a war.
実はアメリカもコミンテルンに動かされていた。 ヴェノナファイルというアメリカの公式文書がある。
米国国家安全保障局（ Ｎ Ｓ Ａ ）のホームページに載っている。
膨大な文書であるが、月刊正論平成18 年5 月号に青山学院大学の福井助教授(当時)が内容をかいつまんで紹介してくれている。
In fact, America was also being manipulated by Comintern. There are official documents called the Venona Files, which are available on the National Security Agency (NSA) website. It is a massive set of documents, but in the May 2006 edition of “Monthly Just Arguments” 「月刊正論」, (then) Assistant Professor Fukui of Aoyama Gakuin University offered a summary introduction.
ヴェノナファイルとは、コミンテルンとアメリカにいたエージェントとの交信記録をまとめたものである。
アメリカは1940 年から1948 年までの8年間これをモニターしていた。
当時ソ連は1 回限りの暗号書を使用していたためアメリカはこれを解読できなかった。
そこでアメリカは、日米戦争の最中である1943 年から解読作業を開始した。
そしてなんと37 年もかかって、レーガン政権が出来る直前の1980 年に至って解読作業を終えたというから驚きである。
しかし当時は冷戦の真っ只中であったためにアメリカはこれを機密文書とした。
The Venona Files are a collection of transmissions between Comintern and agents in the United States, which the United States was monitoring for eight years, from 1940 to 1948. At the time, the Soviets were changing their codes after each message, so the United States could not decipher them. From 1943, right in the middle of the war with Japan, the United States began its decryption work. Surprisingly, it took thirty-seven years to finish the work; it was completed just before the start of the Reagan administration in 1980. However, since it was the middle of the Cold War, the Americans kept these documents classified.
その後冷戦が終了し1995 年に機密が解除され一般に公開されることになった。
これによれば1933 年に生まれたアメリカのフランクリン・ルーズベルト政権の中には3 百人のコミンテルンのスパイがいたという。
その中で昇りつめたのは財務省ナンバー２ の財務次官ハリー・ホワイトであった。
ハリー・ホワイトは日本に対する最後通牒ハル・ノートを書いた張本人であると言われている。
彼はルーズベルト大統領の親友であるモーゲンソー財務長官を通じてルーズベルト大統領を動かし、我が国を日米戦争に追い込んでいく。
In 1995, following the end of the Cold War, they were declassified and made open to the public. According to those files, there were three hundred Comintern spies working in the administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt, who took office in 1933. Among them, one who rose to the top was the number two official at the Treasury, Assistant Secretary Harry White. Harry White is said to have been the perpetrator who wrote the Hull note, America’s final notice to Japan before the war began. Through President Roosevelt’s good friend, Treasury Secretary Morgenthau, he was able to manipulate President Roosevelt and draw our country into a war with the United States.
当時ルーズベルトは共産主義の恐ろしさを認識していなかった。
彼はハリー・ホワイトらを通じてコミンテルンの工作を受け、戦闘機100 機からなるフライイングタイガースを派遣するなど、日本と戦う蒋介石を、陰で強力に支援していた。
真珠湾攻撃に先立つ１ ヶ月半も前から中国大陸においてアメリカは日本に対し、隠密に航空攻撃を開始していたのである。
At the time, Roosevelt was not aware of the terrible nature of communism. Through Harry White, he was on the receiving end of Comintern’s maneuvering, and he was covertly offering strong support to Chiang Kai-shek, who was battling Japan at the time, sending the Flying Tigers squadron comprised of one hundred fighter planes. Starting one and a half months prior to the attack on Pearl Harbor, the United States began covert air attacks against Japan on the Chinese mainland.
ル ー ズ ベ ル ト は 戦 争 を し な い と い う 公 約 で大統領になったため、日米戦争を開始するにはどうしても見かけ上日本に第1 撃を引かせる必要があった。
日本はルーズベルトの仕掛けた罠にはまり真珠湾攻撃を決行することになる。
Roosevelt had become president on his public pledge not to go to war, so in order to start a war between the United States and Japan it had to appear that Japan took the first shot. Japan was caught in Roosevelt’s trap and carried out the attack on Pearl Harbor.
さて日米戦争は避けることが出来たのだろうか。
日本がアメリカの要求するハル・ノートを受け入れれば一時的にせよ日米戦争を避けることは出来たかもしれない。
しかし一時的に戦争を避けることが出来たとしても、当時の弱肉強食の国際情勢を考えれば、アメリカから第2， 第3 の要求が出てきたであろうことは容易に想像がつく。
結果として現在に生きる私たちは白人国家の植民地である日本で生活していた可能性が大である。
Could the war have been avoided? If Japan had accepted the conditions lain out by the United States in the Hull note, perhaps the war could have been temporarily avoided. But even if the war had been avoided temporarily, when you consider the survival of the fittest mentality that dominated international relations at the time, you can easily imagine that the United States would have issued a second and a third set of demands. As a result, those of us living today could very well have been living in a Japan that was a white nation’s colony.
文明の利器である自動車や洗濯機やパソコンなどは放っておけばいつかは誰かが造る。しかし人類の歴史の中で支配、被支配の関係は戦争によってのみ解決されてきた。
強者が自ら譲歩することなどあり得ない。
戦わない者は支配されることに甘んじなければならない。
If you leave people alone, someday someone will create the conveniences of civilization, such as cars, washing machines, and computers. But in the history of mankind, the relationship between the rulers and the ruled is only determined by war. It is impossible for those who are powerful to grant concessions on their own. Those who do not fight must resign themselves to being ruled by others.
さ て 大 東 亜 戦 争 の 後 、 多 く の ア ジ ア 、 ア フリカ諸国が白人国家の支配から解放されることになった。
人種平等の世界が到来し国家間の問題も話し合いによって解決されるようになった。
それは日露戦争、そして大東亜戦争を戦った日本の力によるものである。
もし日本があの時大東亜戦争を戦わなければ、現在のような人種平等の世界が来るのがあと百年、２ 百年遅れていたかもしれない。
そういう意味で私たちは日本の国のために戦った先人、そして国のために尊い命を捧げた英霊に対し感謝しなければならない。
そのお陰で今日私たちは平和で豊かな生活を営むことが出来るのだ。
After the Greater East Asia War, many countries in Asia and Africa were released from the control of white nations. A world of racial equality arrived and problems between nations were to be decided through discussion. That was a result of Japan’s strength in fighting the Russo-Japanese War and Greater East Asia War. If Japan had not fought the Greater East War at that time, it may have taken another one hundred or two hundred years before we could have experienced the world of racial equality that we have today. In that sense, we must be grateful to our ancestors who fought for Japan and to the spirits of those who gave their precious lives for their country. It is thanks to them that we are able to enjoy the peaceful and plentiful lifestyle we have today.
一 方 で 大 東 亜 戦 争 を 「 あ の 愚 劣 な 戦 争 」 などという人がいる。
戦争などしなくても今日の平和で豊かな社会が実現できたと思っているのであろう。
当時の我が国の指導者はみんな馬鹿だったと言わんばかりである。
やらなくてもいい戦争をやって多くの日本国民の命を奪った。
亡くなった人はみんな犬死にだったと言っているようなものである。
On the other hand, there are those who call the Greater East Asia War “that stupid war.” They probably believe that even without fighting a war we could have achieved today’s peaceful and plentiful society. It is as if they think that all of our country’s leaders at that time were stupid. We undertook a needless war and many Japanese citizens lost their lives. They seem to be saying that all those who perished actually died in vain.
しかし人類の歴史を振り返ればことはそう簡単ではないことが解る。
現在においてさえ一度決定された国際関係を覆すことは極めて困難である。
日米安保条約に基づきアメリカは日本の首都圏にも立派な基地を保有している。
これを日本が返してくれと言ってもそう簡単には返ってこない。
ロシアとの関係でも北方四島は６ ０ 年以上不法に占拠されたままである。
竹島も韓国の実行支配が続いている。
However, when you look back at the history of mankind, you understand that nothing is as simple as that. Even today, once a decision is made about an international relationship it is extremely difficult to overturn that. Based on the US-Japan Security Treaty, America possesses bases even in Japan’s capital region of Tokyo. Even if Japan said they wanted those bases back, they would not be easily returned. In terms of our relationship with Russia as well, the Northern Islands remain illegally occupied even after more than sixty years. And Takeshima remains under the effective control of South Korea.
東 京 裁 判 は あ の 戦 争 の 責 任 を 全 て 日本に押し付けようとしたものである。
そしてそのマインドコントロールは戦後63 年を経てもなお日本人を惑わせている。
日本の軍は強くなると必ず暴走し他国を侵略する、だから自衛隊は出来るだけ動きにくいようにしておこうというものである。
自衛隊は領域の警備も出来ない、集団的自衛権も行使出来ない、武器の使用も極めて制約が多い、また攻撃的兵器の保有も禁止されている。
諸外国の軍と比べれば自衛隊は雁字搦めで身動きできないようになっている。
The Tokyo Trials tried to push all the responsibility for the war onto Japan. And that mind control is still misleading the Japanese people sixty-three years after the war. The belief is that if the Japanese army becomes stronger, it will certainly go on a rampage and invade other countries, so we need to make it as difficult as possible for the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) to act. The SDF cannot even defend its own territory, it cannot practice collective self-defense, there are many limitations on its use of weapons, and the possession of offensive weaponry is forbidden. Compared to the militaries of other countries, the SDF is bound hand and foot and immobilized.
このマインドコントロールから解放されない限り我が国を自らの力で守る体制がいつになっても完成しない。
アメリカに守ってもらうしかない。
アメリカに守ってもらえば日本のアメリカ化が加速する。
日本の経済も、金融も、商慣行も、雇用も、司法もアメリカのシステムに近づいていく。
改革のオンパレードで我が国の伝統文化が壊されていく。
日本ではいま文化大革命が進行中なのではないか。
日本国民は２ ０ 年前と今とではどちらが心安らかに暮らしているのだろうか。
日本は良い国に向かっているのだろうか。
Unless our country is released from this mind control, it will never have a system for protecting itself through its own power. We have no choice but to be protected by America. If we are protected by America, then the Americanization of Japan will be accelerated. Japan’s economy, its finances, its business practices, its employment system, its judicial system will all converge with the American system. Our country’s traditional culture will be destroyed by the parade of reforms. Japan is undergoing a cultural revolution, is it not? But are the citizens of Japan living in greater ease now or twenty years ago? Is Japan becoming a better country?
私は日米同盟を否定しているわけではない。
アジア地域の安定のためには良好な日米関係が必須である。
但し日米関係は必要なときに助け合う良好な親子関係のようなものであることが望ましい。
子供がいつまでも親に頼りきっているような関係は改善の必要があると思っている。
I am not repudiating the US-Japan alliance. Good relations between Japan and the United States are essential to the stability of the Asian region. However, what is most desirable in the US-Japan relationship is something like a good relationship between parent and child, where they come to each other’s aid when needed, as opposed to the kind of relationship where the child remains permanently dependant on the parent.
自 分 の 国 を 自 分 で 守 る 体 制 を 整 え る こ と は、我が国に対する侵略を未然に抑止するとともに外交交渉の後ろ盾になる。
諸外国では、ごく普通に理解されているこのことが我が国においては国民に理解が行き届かない。
Creating a structure where we can protect our country ourselves allows us to preemptively prevent an attack on Japan, and at the same time serves to bolster our position in diplomatic negotiations. This is understood in many countries to be perfectly normal, but that concept has not gotten through to our citizens.
今なお大東亜戦争で我が国の侵略がアジア諸国に耐えがたい苦しみを与えたと思っている人が多い。
しかし私たちは多くのアジア諸国が大東亜戦争を肯定的に評価していることを認識しておく必要がある。
タイで、ビルマで、インドで、シンガポールで、インドネシアで、大東亜戦争を戦った日本の評価は高いのだ。
そして日本軍に直接接していた人たちの多くは日本軍に高い評価を与え、日本軍を直接見ていない人たちが日本軍の残虐行為を吹聴している場合が多いことも知っておかなければならない。
日本軍の軍紀が他国に比較して如何に厳正であったか多くの外国人の証言もある。
我が国が侵略国家だったなどというのは正に濡れ衣である。
Even now, there are many people who think that our country’s aggression caused unbearable suffering to the countries of Asia during the Greater East Asia War. But we need to realize that many Asian countries take a positive view of the Greater East Asia War. In Thailand, Burma, India, Singapore, and Indonesia, the Japan that fought the Greater East Asia War is held in high esteem. We also have to realize that while many of the people who had direct contact with the Japanese army viewed them positively, it is often those who never directly saw the Japanese military who are spreading rumors about the army’s acts of brutality. Many foreigners have testified to the strict military discipline of the Japanese troops as compared to those of other countries. It is certainly a false accusation to say that our country was an aggressor nation.
日 本 と い う の は 古 い 歴 史 と 優 れ た 伝 統を持つ素晴らしい国なのだ。
私たちは日本人として我が国の歴史について誇りを持たなければならない。
人は特別な思想を注入されない限りは自分の生まれた故郷や自分の生まれた国を自然に愛するものである。
日本の場合は歴史的事実を丹念に見ていくだけでこの国が実施してきたことが素晴らしいことであることがわかる。
嘘やねつ造は全く必要がない。
個別事象に目を向ければ悪行と言われるものもあるだろう。
それは現在の先進国の中でも暴行や殺人が起こるのと同じことである。
Japan is a wonderful country that has a long history and exceptional traditions. We, as Japanese people, must take pride in our country’s history. Unless they are influenced by some particular ideology, people will naturally love the hometown and the country where they were born. But in Japan’s case, if you look assiduously at the historical facts, you will understand that what this country has done is wonderful. There is absolutely no need for lies and fabrications. If you look at individual events, there were probably some that would be called misdeeds. That is the same as saying that there is violence and murder occurring today even in advanced nations.
私たちは輝かしい日本の歴史を取り戻さなければならない。
歴史を抹殺された国家は衰退の一途を辿るのみである。
We must take back the glorious history of Japan. A nation that denies its own history is destined to pursue a path of decline.
公務員制度改革の工程表作成に協力しない谷人事院総裁をやめさせることができないのは、以下の理由によるようですね。
今朝のTBS「時事放談」で、片山善博さんが、解散しようにもできない麻生さんを皮肉って、「本降りになって出て行く雨宿り」との江戸の川柳を持ち出したのには、おもわず、笑ってしまった。
このところ、就任当初の不人気を振り払い急速に国民的人気を取り戻しているイギリスのブラウン首相だが、ブラウン首相が率先しての、今回の金融危機に早急に対処しての画期的イギリス型雇用対策プラン(Jobs Package Plan)に、世界の関心が集まっている。
消費税増税と言う一大課題の検討に精力を費やしている現政権与党の皆様には、申し訳ないが、その割には、国民の関心が薄いのは、おそらく、胸の底に、政権交代まじかし、との予測が渦巻いているからなのかもしれない。
自民、公明両党は七日、追加経済対策に盛り込まれた総額二兆円の定額給付金(生活支援定額給付金)について、一人あたり一万二千円を支給し、十八歳以下と六十五歳以上は八千円を加算することで大筋合意した。
先日「
まあ、今朝のジャーナリズムではさんざんのこきおろしようだが、歴史の真実の半分は、ひとつの仮定にもとづいて、分析されてもいいんではないかと—。