Sasayama’s Weblog


2008/07/27 Sunday

Ich bin ein Berliner -オバマとケネディ-

Filed under: 未分類 — 管理人 @ 07:56:38

2008/07/27(Sun)

nullオバマ米大統領候補が、ベルリンで演説をしたことで話題になっている。

ケネディが、当時の西ベルリンで歴史に残る演説をしたのが、1963年。

オバマの聴衆は、そのときのケネディの姿にオバマの姿をダブらせての、熱狂的な雰囲気に包まれた今回の演説だったようだ。

オバマの演説は、こちらのサイト
http://jp.youtube.com/watch?v=Q-9ry38AhbU
または、こちらのサイト
http://mmi.medianima.com/2008/07/25/ich-bin-ein-berliner/
で見ることができる。

そして、今回オバマは、「became citizens of Berlin」といった。

45年前のケネディは、「Ich bin ein Berliner」といった。

(ケネディは演説の前段で、” I am a Roman citizen,”を意味する”civis Romanus sum”を引用し、それと引っ掛けて、”Ich bin ein Berliner”といったものだ。その意味では、今回オバマが”became citizens of Berlin”といったのは、むしろ、このケネディの前段の”civis Romanus sum”に本家帰りした発言ともいえる。)

受け取る聴衆側に麗しい錯覚があったとしても、当時の西ベルリンと現在のベルリンとでは、地政学的意味合いは、まったく異なる。

ケネディは、分断されたベルリンに対置させて、あえて、「ひとつのベルリン人」といい、レトリックによる魔術的効果を狙ったのに対して、オバマの言った「ベルリンの市民」というのには、「困難を克服してひとつの市民となったベルリン」という意味しかないのだろう。

レトリックの力の駆使という点では、ケネディの方が、数等、勝っているように思えた。

それにしても、オバマのスピーチライターがケネディのスピーチライターだったセオドア・ソレンセン(Theodore Sorensen)というのは、本当なのだろうか?

オバマの今回のスピーチの節ふしに見られる、やや冷戦ノスタルジア(Cold war nostalgia)がかった表現は、もしかしたら、ソレンセンのレトリック力の経年劣化を示しているのかもしれない。

このサイト「Not quite a tour de force, but Obama’s overseas trip will worry McCain 」では、「あまり名演(tour de force)というほどのものではなかったが、今回のオバマのヨーロッパへの旅は、マケインを悩ませるだろう」として、一定の「ベルリン効果」があったことの評価をしている。

ただ、ここでも、オバマとケネディとの対比をしていて、今回のセッティングの違い(ケネディとレーガンは、ブランデンブルグ門を選んだ。オバマも、今回、当初のブランでは、ブランデンブルグ門を選んでいたが、ドイツ政府によって拒絶されたという。結局、ブランデンブルグ門近くのティアガーテン・パーク-Tiergarten Park-で行われた。)があるにせよ、救世主を求める聴衆側は、そこに類似性を感じ、喝采をした、としている。

しかし、オバマの言葉は、決してベルリン市民のみにむけてのものではなく、オバマのルーツのアフリカ、そして、アメリカ市民に向けられたものであるとし、そのスピーチで使われた言葉も、決して、偉大なものではなく、浅薄なものであった、と、手厳しい。

一方、、こちらのサイト「One world? Obama’s on a different planet」では、オバマがベルリンの演説で多用した「One World」のレトリックの検証をしている。

そして、世界が一体だったからベルリンの壁が崩壊したのではなく、それは、何十年にわたる全体主義への闘争が結果として現れたのだとしている。

また、オバマのいう、人種間・宗教間の壁についての表現に対しては、やや混乱した”壁”の羅列だとしている。

むしろ、国連を含む既成の同盟の崩壊という事態に次期大統領としてのどのような見解を持っているか、について、示すべきだった、としている。

そして、壁は、単に対立する双方の理解の欠如にのみ生じるのではなく、両者の間にある現実の差異−それは、経済的格差であったり、資源格差であったりするのであろうが-によって生じている、という認識が不足している、としている。

つまり、壁とは、単なる不幸な過ちの結果なのではなく、現実を反射して生まれたものである、としている。

ベルリンの壁は、一方からの壁の破壊によって、取り除かれうるが、人種の壁、宗教の壁は、そのような力づくでは取り除けない、という認識に立つべきだとしている。

総じて、ヨーロッパ人にとって目に映ったオバマは、「同種のアメリカ人に比して攻撃的でない」という安心感を与えたようだが、そのことが、大統領になってのオバマにどう響くのか、は、わからない。

ところで、ドイツでオバマを歓迎した聴衆の多くの部分に、アフリカからの出稼ぎ・移民などが多かったのではなかったのだろうか。

むしろ、オバマは、フランスのサルコジ大統領が志向するアフリカ・サミット的なスタンスにたってのアメリカの新外交政策を志向することが、彼の出自を生かした基本路線になるのかもしれないのだが。

1963年の西ベルリンでのケネディの演説内容は、こちらのサイト
http://www.historyplace.com/speeches/berliner.htm
で、見ることができる。

オバマの演説


ケネディの演説


オバマ氏の演説内容

Thank you to the citizens of Berlin and to the people of Germany. Let me thank Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier for welcoming me earlier today. Thank you Mayor Wowereit, the Berlin Senate, the police, and most of all thank you for this welcome.

I come to Berlin as so many of my countrymen have come before. Tonight, I speak to you not as a candidate for President, but as a citizen — a proud citizen of the United States, and a fellow citizen of the world.

I know that I don’t look like the Americans who’ve previously spoken in this great city. The journey that led me here is improbable. My mother was born in the heartland of America, but my father grew up herding goats in Kenya. His father — my grandfather — was a cook, a domestic servant to the British.

At the height of the Cold War, my father decided, like so many others in the forgotten corners of the world, that his yearning — his dream — required the freedom and opportunity promised by the West. And so he wrote letter after letter to universities all across America until somebody, somewhere answered his prayer for a better life.

That is why I’m here. And you are here because you too know that yearning. This city, of all cities, knows the dream of freedom. And you know that the only reason we stand here tonight is because men and women from both of our nations came together to work, and struggle, and sacrifice for that better life.

Ours is a partnership that truly began sixty years ago this summer, on the day when the first American plane touched down at Templehof.

On that day, much of this continent still lay in ruin. The rubble of this city had yet to be built into a wall. The Soviet shadow had swept across Eastern Europe, while in the West, America, Britain, and France took stock of their losses, and pondered how the world might be remade.

This is where the two sides met. And on the twenty-fourth of June, 1948, the Communists chose to blockade the western part of the city. They cut off food and supplies to more than two million Germans in an effort to extinguish the last flame of freedom in Berlin.

The size of our forces was no match for the much larger Soviet Army. And yet retreat would have allowed Communism to march across Europe. Where the last war had ended, another World War could have easily begun. All that stood in the way was Berlin.

And that’s when the airlift began — when the largest and most unlikely rescue in history brought food and hope to the people of this city.

The odds were stacked against success. In the winter, a heavy fog filled the sky above, and many planes were forced to turn back without dropping off the needed supplies. The streets where we stand were filled with hungry families who had no comfort from the cold.

But in the darkest hours, the people of Berlin kept the flame of hope burning. The people of Berlin refused to give up. And on one fall day, hundreds of thousands of Berliners came here, to the Tiergarten, and heard the city’s mayor implore the world not to give up on freedom. “There is only one possibility,” he said. “For us to stand together united until this battle is wonÉThe people of Berlin have spoken. We have done our duty, and we will keep on doing our duty. People of the world: now do your dutyÉPeople of the world, look at Berlin!”

People of the world — look at Berlin!

Look at Berlin, where Germans and Americans learned to work together and trust each other less than three years after facing each other on the field of battle.

Look at Berlin, where the determination of a people met the generosity of the Marshall Plan and created a German miracle; where a victory over tyranny gave rise to NATO, the greatest alliance ever formed to defend our common security.

Look at Berlin, where the bullet holes in the buildings and the somber stones and pillars near the Brandenburg Gate insist that we never forget our common humanity.

People of the world — look at Berlin, where a wall came down, a continent came together, and history proved that there is no challenge too great for a world that stands as one.

Sixty years after the airlift, we are called upon again. History has led us to a new crossroad, with new promise and new peril. When you, the German people, tore down that wall — a wall that divided East and West; freedom and tyranny; fear and hope — walls came tumbling down around the world. From Kiev to Cape Town, prison camps were closed, and the doors of democracy were opened. Markets opened too, and the spread of information and technology reduced barriers to opportunity and prosperity. While the 20th century taught us that we share a common destiny, the 21st has revealed a world more intertwined than at any time in human history.

The fall of the Berlin Wall brought new hope. But that very closeness has given rise to new dangers — dangers that cannot be contained within the borders of a country or by the distance of an ocean.

The terrorists of September 11th plotted in Hamburg and trained in Kandahar and Karachi before killing thousands from all over the globe on American soil.

As we speak, cars in Boston and factories in Beijing are melting the ice caps in the Arctic, shrinking coastlines in the Atlantic, and bringing drought to farms from Kansas to Kenya.

Poorly secured nuclear material in the former Soviet Union, or secrets from a scientist in Pakistan could help build a bomb that detonates in Paris. The poppies in Afghanistan become the heroin in Berlin. The poverty and violence in Somalia breeds the terror of tomorrow. The genocide in Darfur shames the conscience of us all.

In this new world, such dangerous currents have swept along faster than our efforts to contain them. That is why we cannot afford to be divided. No one nation, no matter how large or powerful, can defeat such challenges alone. None of us can deny these threats, or escape responsibility in meeting them. Yet, in the absence of Soviet tanks and a terrible wall, it has become easy to forget this truth. And if we’re honest with each other, we know that sometimes, on both sides of the Atlantic, we have drifted apart, and forgotten our shared destiny.

In Europe, the view that America is part of what has gone wrong in our world, rather than a force to help make it right, has become all too common. In America, there are voices that deride and deny the importance of Europe’s role in our security and our future. Both views miss the truth — that Europeans today are bearing new burdens and taking more responsibility in critical parts of the world; and that just as American bases built in the last century still help to defend the security of this continent, so does our country still sacrifice greatly for freedom around the globe.

Yes, there have been differences between America and Europe. No doubt, there will be differences in the future. But the burdens of global citizenship continue to bind us together. A change of leadership in Washington will not lift this burden. In this new century, Americans and Europeans alike will be required to do more — not less. Partnership and cooperation among nations is not a choice; it is the one way, the only way, to protect our common security and advance our common humanity.

That is why the greatest danger of all is to allow new walls to divide us from one another. The walls between old allies on either side of the Atlantic cannot stand. The walls between the countries with the most and those with the least cannot stand. The walls between races and tribes; natives and immigrants; Christian and Muslim and Jew cannot stand. These now are the walls we must tear down.

We know they have fallen before. After centuries of strife, the people of Europe have formed a Union of promise and prosperity. Here, at the base of a column built to mark victory in war, we meet in the center of a Europe at peace. Not only have walls come down in Berlin, but they have come down in Belfast, where Protestant and Catholic found a way to live together; in the Balkans, where our Atlantic alliance ended wars and brought savage war criminals to justice; and in South Africa, where the struggle of a courageous people defeated apartheid. So history reminds us that walls can be torn down. But the task is never easy. True partnership and true progress requires constant work and sustained sacrifice. They require sharing the burdens of development and diplomacy; of progress and peace. They require allies who will listen to each other, learn from each other and, most of all, trust each other.

That is why America cannot turn inward. That is why Europe cannot turn inward. America has no better partner than Europe. Now is the time to build new bridges across the globe as strong as the one that bound us across the Atlantic. Now is the time to join together, through constant cooperation, strong institutions, shared sacrifice, and a global commitment to progress, to meet the challenges of the 21st century. It was this spirit that led airlift planes to appear in the sky above our heads, and people to assemble where we stand today. And this is the moment when our nations — and all nations — must summon that spirit anew.

This is the moment when we must defeat terror and dry up the well of extremism that supports it. This threat is real and we cannot shrink from our responsibility to combat it. If we could create NATO to face down the Soviet Union, we can join in a new and global partnership to dismantle the networks that have struck in Madrid and Amman; in London and Bali; in Washington and New York. If we could win a battle of ideas against the communists, we can stand with the vast majority of Muslims who reject the extremism that leads to hate instead of hope.

This is the moment when we must renew our resolve to rout the terrorists who threaten our security in Afghanistan, and the traffickers who sell drugs on your streets. No one welcomes war. I recognize the enormous difficulties in Afghanistan. But my country and yours have a stake in seeing that NATO’s first mission beyond Europe’s borders is a success. For the people of Afghanistan, and for our shared security, the work must be done. America cannot do this alone. The Afghan people need our troops and your troops; our support and your support to defeat the Taliban and al Qaeda, to develop their economy, and to help them rebuild their nation. We have too much at stake to turn back now.

This is the moment when we must renew the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. The two superpowers that faced each other across the wall of this city came too close too often to destroying all we have built and all that we love. With that wall gone, we need not stand idly by and watch the further spread of the deadly atom. It is time to secure all loose nuclear materials; to stop the spread of nuclear weapons; and to reduce the arsenals from another era. This is the moment to begin the work of seeking the peace of a world without nuclear weapons.

This is the moment when every nation in Europe must have the chance to choose its own tomorrow free from the shadows of yesterday. In this century, we need a strong European Union that deepens the security and prosperity of this continent, while extending a hand abroad. In this century — in this city of all cities — we must reject the Cold War mind-set of the past, and resolve to work with Russia when we can, to stand up for our values when we must, and to seek a partnership that extends across this entire continent.

This is the moment when we must build on the wealth that open markets have created, and share its benefits more equitably. Trade has been a cornerstone of our growth and global development. But we will not be able to sustain this growth if it favors the few, and not the many. Together, we must forge trade that truly rewards the work that creates wealth, with meaningful protections for our people and our planet. This is the moment for trade that is free and fair for all.

This is the moment we must help answer the call for a new dawn in the Middle East. My country must stand with yours and with Europe in sending a direct message to Iran that it must abandon its nuclear ambitions. We must support the Lebanese who have marched and bled for democracy, and the Israelis and Palestinians who seek a secure and lasting peace. And despite past differences, this is the moment when the world should support the millions of Iraqis who seek to rebuild their lives, even as we pass responsibility to the Iraqi government and finally bring this war to a close.

This is the moment when we must come together to save this planet. Let us resolve that we will not leave our children a world where the oceans rise and famine spreads and terrible storms devastate our lands. Let us resolve that all nations — including my own — will act with the same seriousness of purpose as has your nation, and reduce the carbon we send into our atmosphere. This is the moment to give our children back their future. This is the moment to stand as one.

And this is the moment when we must give hope to those left behind in a globalized world. We must remember that the Cold War born in this city was not a battle for land or treasure. Sixty years ago, the planes that flew over Berlin did not drop bombs; instead they delivered food, and coal, and candy to grateful children. And in that show of solidarity, those pilots won more than a military victory. They won hearts and minds; love and loyalty and trust — not just from the people in this city, but from all those who heard the story of what they did here.

Now the world will watch and remember what we do here — what we do with this moment. Will we extend our hand to the people in the forgotten corners of this world who yearn for lives marked by dignity and opportunity; by security and justice? Will we lift the child in Bangladesh from poverty, shelter the refugee in Chad, and banish the scourge of AIDS in our time?

Will we stand for the human rights of the dissident in Burma, the blogger in Iran, or the voter in Zimbabwe? Will we give meaning to the words “never again” in Darfur?

Will we acknowledge that there is no more powerful example than the one each of our nations projects to the world? Will we reject torture and stand for the rule of law? Will we welcome immigrants from different lands, and shun discrimination against those who don’t look like us or worship like we do, and keep the promise of equality and opportunity for all of our people?

People of Berlin — people of the world — this is our moment. This is our time.

I know my country has not perfected itself. At times, we’ve struggled to keep the promise of liberty and equality for all of our people. We’ve made our share of mistakes, and there are times when our actions around the world have not lived up to our best intentions.

But I also know how much I love America. I know that for more than two centuries, we have strived — at great cost and great sacrifice — to form a more perfect union; to seek, with other nations, a more hopeful world. Our allegiance has never been to any particular tribe or kingdom — indeed, every language is spoken in our country; every culture has left its imprint on ours; every point of view is expressed in our public squares. What has always united us — what has always driven our people; what drew my father to America’s shores — is a set of ideals that speak to aspirations shared by all people: that we can live free from fear and free from want; that we can speak our minds and assemble with whomever we choose and worship as we please.

Those are the aspirations that joined the fates of all nations in this city. Those aspirations are bigger than anything that drives us apart. It is because of those aspirations that the airlift began. It is because of those aspirations that all free people — everywhere — became citizens of Berlin. It is in pursuit of those aspirations that a new generation — our generation — must make our mark on history.

People of Berlin — and people of the world — the scale of our challenge is great. The road ahead will be long. But I come before you to say that we are heirs to a struggle for freedom. We are a people of improbable hope. Let us build on our common history, and seize our common destiny, and once again engage in that noble struggle to bring justice and peace to our world.

ケネディの演説

I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin. And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.

Two thousand years ago the proudest boast was “civis Romanus sum.” Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is “Ich bin ein Berliner.”

I appreciate my interpreter translating my German!

There are many people in the world who really don’t understand, or say they don’t, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Berlin. There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin. And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress. Lass’ sie nach Berlin kommen. Let them come to Berlin.

Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in, to prevent them from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of my countrymen, who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years. I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope and the determination of the city of West Berlin. While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system, for all the world to see, we take no satisfaction in it, for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.

What is true of this city is true of Germany–real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people. You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main. So let me ask you as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.

Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free. When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe. When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.

All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words “Ich bin ein Berliner.” Hear this .wav 198K

President John F. Kennedy - June 26, 1963

2008/07/15 Tuesday

村岡兼造さんは冤罪

Filed under: 未分類 — 管理人 @ 19:26:38

2008/07/15(Tue) 1
 
nullかつては、選挙区での私のよきライバルであった、村岡兼造さんの日歯事件にかかわる有罪が確定したことは、なんとも、やるせない気持ちで一杯だ。

最初から私がいっているように、この事件は、故橋本竜太郎氏をかばうために、村岡兼造さんを派閥の人身御供にした事件なのだ。

そのために、会計責任者滝川俊行元事務局長が、それに追い込むための証言を重ねたに過ぎないのだ。

しかし、最高裁は、その点を考慮せずに、村岡さんを有罪に追い込んだようだ。

元同志の一人として、今回の司法判断に対しては、きわめて遺憾の気持ちがある。

願わくば、乾坤一擲、村岡さんの真実がいつの日か、明かされる日があることを願いたい。

 

2008/07/09 Wednesday

サミットの実質拡大が成果という、日本にとっての皮肉な展開

Filed under: 未分類 — 管理人 @ 21:11:51

2008/07/09(Wed)
 
サミットが終わったが、どうしたわけか、私が2月に書いたブログ「サミット拡大案に対して、日本は、否定的な立場をとるべきではない。」にアクセスが続いている。

G8合意がされた、地球温暖化について2050年に温室効果ガスの排出量を半減するという中長期の数値目標が5カ国会合で実質否定されたところから、G8合意の無力性が明らかになったと同時に、はからずも、フランスやイギリスがかねてから唱えているサミット拡大論に弾みがついた形になったからである。

日本は、このサミット拡大論については、当初から洞爺湖サミットの議題にしないとの予防線を張っていたにもかかわらず、温室効果ガスの排出量50パーセント削減案が、新興国グループらによって否定されたことで、その日本側の予防線は、あえなく、破られたといっていいのだろう。

次期のサミット開催国のイタリアのベルルスコーニ伊首相は次回サミットでも、今回同様、中国、インド、ブラジル、メキシコ、南アフリカの新興経済国5カ国とアフリカ各国を招く考えを示したという。(イタリアでの次期サミットの期間中、G8にG5が加わる「G13の日」を1日設けることで合意したとの報道もあるが、外務省公式筋ではそれを否定しているようだ。)

どうやら、今回の洞爺湖サミットでは、開催国の日本側が一番嫌がっていたサミット拡大の必要性についての実質的国際認知が、数少ない成果という、日本にとっては皮肉な展開となってしまったようだ。

参考「【洞爺湖サミット】サミット拡大 進む既成事実化 」

 

2008/07/04 Friday

見る環境価値と見られる環境価値−洞爺湖サミット会場ホテルは、果たして環境的なのか?

Filed under: 未分類 — 管理人 @ 06:43:35

2008/07/04(Fri)
 
null来週から始まる洞爺湖サミットは、環境サミットとも、位置づけられているのだが、果たして、その会場となるホテル「ザ・ウィンザーホテル洞爺」(旧「エイベックスリゾート洞爺」)は、環境的施設として評価されうるのか?といえば、かなり疑問符がつく。

このホテルは、洞爺湖の西側の通称ポロモイ山(標高625メートル)山頂に建ち、眼下に洞爺湖と内浦湾(噴火湾)を見下ろしている。

景観を見るには、絶好のロケーションだ。

しかし、以前に「行政主導の環境価値の評価でよいのか」で書いたように、施設の環境価値の評価基準としては、二面性があり、景観には、こちらから見る景観もあれば、あちらから見られている景観もあり、その総和が、ある広がりの中での、景観の価値ともいえる。

では、その後者の「あちらから見られている景観」としての洞爺湖の湖畔から見上げた「ザ・ウィンザーホテル洞爺」はといえば、醜悪そのものの威圧的な景観である。

見られる環境価値を重んじるならば、もっと、建物の外観を緑で隠さなければならなかったはずだ。

われわれが、ドイツのラインの川下りで、ローレライの岩を見上げ、決して美的とはいえない河畔の古城に価値観を見出すのは、その景観にストーリー性があるからである。

この「見られる景観価値」のない洞爺湖の、しかも、風土工学的な見地からいえば、ストーリー性のまったくない醜悪なホテルで、世界の環境問題を語ることこそ、一人勝手な環境マインドの権化そのものであるように感じるのは、私だけであろうか。